There’s a part in our history that may cause discomfort to our friends in America, but it has to be discussed openly because we owe that much respect to our fallen countrymen who died defending our motherland.
“An error becomes a mistake only if we refuse to correct it.”
– Pres. John F. Kennedy
You will, as you read the privilege speech below, understand why this subject is brought up today.
One issue that needs to be corrected is the distortion of what is being emphasized and purpose of the Treaty of Paris. The treaty, as they said, marked the Spanish cessation of the Philippines after the latter was defeated in battles by the United States, and has received a payment of US$ 20 million from the victors themselves, as Wikipedia would indicate:
“The Treaty of Paris of 1898, 30 Stat. 1754, was an agreement made in 1898 that resulted in the Spanish Empire‘s surrendering control of Cuba and cedingPuerto Rico, parts of the Spanish West Indies, the island of Guam, and the Philippines to the United States. The cession of the Philippines involved a payment of $20 million from the United States to the Spanish Empire. The treaty was signed on December 10, 1898, and ended the Spanish-American War. The Treaty of Paris came into effect on April 11, 1899, when the documents of ratification were exchanged.
The Treaty of Paris signaled the end of the Spanish Empire in the Americas and the Pacific Islands (see also the German–Spanish Treaty (1899)), and it marked the beginning of the age of the United States as a world power.”
It turned out, it was our countrymen who actually paid for the preservation of the ownership and sovereignty of the islands, like so:
“With the defeat of the Spanish Armada to the forces of the United States of America in the Battle of Manila Bay, Spain and America concluded the end of the War by signing the Treaty of Paris where the Philippines was sold for $20 Million U.S. Dollars. The winning bidder who paid the said amount in U.S. gold coins was DON ESTEBAN BENITEZ TALLANO, the predecessor in interest of PRINCE JULIAN MORDEN TALLANO. By virtue of the said payment, the Oficina de Cabildo recognized and affirmed Royal Decree 01-4 Protocol and registered as TITULO DE COMPRA in favor of PRINCE LACAN ACUNA ULRIJAL BOLKIAH (TAGEAN) TALLANO.” Learn more
What this means is: We the inhabitants of the Land of Maharlika, aka Philippines, did not relinquish our ownership to the islands, never had been. America has no right, inherent or otherwise, over the islands whose inhabitants have been at war with the Spaniards it had defeated elsewhere.
This is the reason why as the Treaty was in effect, the revolution against the Americans was launched in 1899, just as the Spanish forces were leaving. The natives have to fight another war, this time with another invaders. The worst of this conflict occurred in what is now known as the Balangiga Massacre:
“When America acquired the Philippines as a colony from Spain in December 1898 after defeating the Spanish in Cuba and the Philippines, Filipino insurgents who had been fighting Spain for Independence for years (and who had helped America take Manila) felt betrayed and a bloody war ensued. The Philippine American War began as a series of conventional battles on the island of Luzon, but evolved into a guerrilla affair that would give America its first taste of battling a jungle insurgency in Asia 60 years before Vietnam.” Learn more
It must be understood at this point that during the revolution against Spain, there were two groups of revolutionaries:
- Katipunan – the brotherhood of the working class led by Andres Bonifacio which launched the first wave of insurrections against the Spanish Conquestadores;
- Magdalo – the elitist group of Emilio Aguinaldo who joined the revolution only months later; the same group who killed the leader of the Katipunan, and accepted the “payment of the indemnity of $800,000 (Mexican) should be made in three installments, namely, $400,000 when all the arms in Biak-na-bató were delivered to the Spanish authorities; $200,000 when the arms surrendered amounted to eight hundred stand; the final payment to be made when one thousand stand of arms shall have been handed over to the authorities and the Te Deum sung in the Cathedral in Manila as thanksgiving for the restoration of peace.” Learn more
While the Bonifacio group suffered a condemnable betrayal from our own blood in the Aguinaldo group, it was the latter who “felt betrayed” by the Americans, as predicated above and detailed below.
“Against this backdrop, on August 11, 1901, Company C, 9th US Infantry, a force of 77 men who had previously fought in the Boxer Rebellion in China and were considered hardened troops, arrived in Balangiga, a provincial port in Eastern Samar, one of two areas in the Philippines with active insurgents under the capable command of Vicente Lukban, a Tagalog from Luzon who had been sent by Aguinaldo to represent the Philippine Republic on the island.” Learn more »
“The brutality of the war was best exemplified by the Balangiga Massacre. In August 1901, Balangiga was a small seaside village of 200 nipa houses in Samar, Visayas. The US Army 9th Infantry Regiment of the U.S. army was sent to the town to establish a garrison and assist in the pacification of the Visayan Islands. Upon arrival, the American soldierrs took over the affairs of the town and forcibly occupied some of the local huts. All male residents, eighteen years and above, were ordered to leave their families to clear the surrounding forests that were suspected to be the refuge of guerrillas. At night, these men were hauled into open wooden pens unsuitable for lodging. To aggravate matters, an American even raped a village lass.” Learn more »
Then the Balangiga Massacre happened. This is how Joseph Schott describes it in his book, The Ordeal of Samar:
“On the night of September 27, the American sentries on the guard posts were surprised by the unusual number of women hurrying to church. They were all heavily clothed, which was unusual, and many carried small coffins. A sergeant, vaguely suspicious, stopped one woman and pried open her coffin with his bayonet. Inside he found the body of a child. The woman hysterically cried, “El Colera!” The sergeant nailed the coffin again and let the woman pass. He concluded that the cholera and fever were in epidemic stage and carrying off children in great numbers. But it was strange that no news of any such epidemic had reached the garrison. If the sergeant had been less abashed and had searched beneath the child’s body, he would have found the keen blades of cane cutting bolo knives. All the coffins were loaded with them.
At 6:20 that morning, Pedro Sanchez, the native chief of police, lined up around 80 native laborers to start their daily cleanup of the town. The entire Company C, comprising of seventy one men and three officers, was already awake, having breakfast at the mess tents.
There were now only three armed Americans out in the town- the sentries walking their posts. In the church, scores of bolomen quietly honed their gleaming blades and awaited a signal.
Pedro Sanchez walked behind a sentry and with casual swiftness, he grabbed the sentry’s rifle and brought the butt down in a smashing blow on his head. Then Sanchez fired the rifle, yelled out a signal and all hell broke loose.
The church bell ding-donged crazily and conch shell whistles blew shrilly from the edge of the jungle. The doors of the church burst open and out streamed the mob of bolomen who had been waiting inside. The native laborers working about the town plaza suddenly turned on the soldiers and began chopping at them with bolos, picks and shovels.
The mess tents, filled with soldiers peacefully at breakfast, had been one of the prime targets of the bolomen. They burst in screaming and slashing. A bolo swished through the air, made a sodden chunking sound against the back of a sergeant’s neck, severing his head.
As the soldiers rose up and began fighting with chairs and kitchen utensils, the Filipinos outside cut the tent ropes, causing the tents to collapse on the struggling men. The Filipinos then ran in all directions to slash with bolos and axes at the forms struggling under the canvas.”
“The deaths of the Americans resulted in a punitive expedition and a reign of terror. General Jake Smith ordered the American soldiers to “kill and burn”, to shoot down anybody capable of carrying arms including boys over ten years old.” When the smoke had cleared, Samar had been turned into a “howling wilderness.”
In order to fully understand the whole picture of the events leading to these atrocities, we need to revisit the Illuminati’s, i.e. the Jesuits’, action plan for the entire Asia:
PRIVILEGE SPEECH: On the Filipino-American War and US Aggression and Intervention (4 February 2015)
REP. ANTONIO L. TINIO
ON THE FILIPINO-AMERICAN WAR AND US AGGRESSION AND INTERVENTION
4 FEBRUARY 2015
“One hundred and sixteen years ago today, the Filipino people began their revolutionary struggle against US imperialism with the outbreak of the Filipino-American War. On February 4, 1899, patrolling American troops in Sociego Street, Sta. Mesa, Manila provoked the formal start of hostilities by firing at Filipino soldiers, thus stealing the independence hard-won, after three centuries under Spanish colonial rule, by Filipinos led by the revolutionary Katipunan.
The years spanning the Filipino-American War are one of the most terrible stretches of time in our history, but also one that bore witness to the burning and defiant patriotism that drove the masses to continue fighting for their independence despite overwhelming odds—a patriotism still burning to this day.
Some historical treatises estimate that over 5,000 battles raged across the country in the duration of the Filipino-American War. American official estimates after only two years of fighting stood at 600,000 Filipino casualties in Luzon alone. Two years later, this count reached nearly a million Filipinos dead due to combat and the after-effects of the Americans’ deliberate strategy of dislocation and destruction. Only 15,000 to 20,000 of these casualties were combatants.
In other words, American aggression over a century ago killed more Filipinos in just the first three years of their war of conquest and occupation than in the preceding three centuries of Spanish colonial rule. It murdered over 15% of the population of eight million in just the first five years.
Hundreds of thousands more would be killed in subsequent battles and as a result of the waves of “pacification campaigns” in Luzon and the Visayas from 1904 onwards. A further 100,000 of our Muslim brothers and sisters in Mindanao would be killed in their resistance from 1903 to 1913.
I could go on and list the atrocities committed against the Filipino people during the 17 years of the Filipino-American War just to elaborate the depth of the barbarity of American occupation and to illustrate how far US imperialism went to crush the nationalist resolve of Filipinos. But the massacres ordered by military and civilian officials on Filipino guerillas and non-combatants alike, the water cure, reconcentration, and scorched earth tactics, and such other war crimes are all well-documented, even by US congressional records.
Consequently, its accountability for reparation to the Filipino people, which covers apology, acknowledgment of the facts, and acceptance of responsibility, is well-grounded under international law.
I have filed House Resolution 130 in this Congress demanding from the US government an apology for the atrocities committed by its military forces against the Filipino people during the Filipino-American War and the imposition of US colonial rule. It cites the urgency and necessity for such acknowledgment in light of the Aquino administration’s initiatives to expand the presence of US military forces and facilities on Philippine soil.
I also filed House Bill 448 which seeks to declare today, February 4, as a special working holiday commemorating the “Philippine-American War Day” or “Araw ng Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano.” I noted there that “remembrance of the patriotism and self-sacrifice of our heroes and martyrs will reconcile us with our past, clarify our present, and point our way to the future.”
We honor today the Filipino patriotism, struggle, and resilience against American aggression, not just during the long years of the Filipino-American War but also thereafter. Our history teaches us that American imperialism, which was bent during the 19th century on expanding its economic and military might by dominating the territorial spoils of Spain, has never left our land even after it “ended” its occupation. It has persisted until now, and even seeks to further entrench itself in the name of political, military, and economic positioning and domination. We see this in the Aquino administration’s agreement known as the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement. We see this even now in the hand of the US military in the Mamasapano operation.
But history also teaches us—as in any war, those who deem themselves oppressed and dominated, especially a people with a revolutionary legacy such as ours, will not lay idly down, but will definitely fight back.
I give this speech to commemorate our ancestors who fought gallantly, heroically over a century ago for Philippine independence, for a truly independent Filipino nation against US imperialism. We owe to their memory to keep the struggle for genuine independence alive.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.”
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