At the top of the pyramid, both corporate Zionists and Nazi fanatics are working together through Ukraine to destroy the Russian Federation and all that she represents. – CG
Plans concocted by the special services reveal Kievâs aggressive strategy over many years.
The best defense is a good offence. So goes one of the oldest principles of international relations.
And as Ukrainian documents now at the disposal of the media show, Moscow apparently had something to defend itself from when it launched its offensive in Ukraine. Over the past eight years, Kievâs military and special services have been preparing numerous operations aimed at undermining Russiaâs international ties, and internal peace itself.
In June, a hacker Telegram channel dubbed âBereginiâ published the action plan of the Information and Psychological Operations Department of the Armed Forces of Ukraineâs Special Operations Forces (SSO). According to official information, the tasks of this unit include working with the population of foreign countries, creating agent networks, and infiltrating special services and military organizations to conduct espionage and destroy people who pose a threat to the Ukrainian government (including in other countries), as well as preparing coups and the overthrow of regimes.
The SSO plan was prepared back in 2017, and this is just one of many similar secret documents created by Ukrainian spooks. It was just one that became public. But the presence of these plans and the real political and military steps taken by Ukraine, which coincide with SSO programs to a surprising extent, indicate that KIâve has been actively carrying out anti-Russian activities since at least 2014, when a Western-backed coup took place in the country.
Sowers of Unrest
When studying the Ukrainian plan from 2017, the first thing that catches the eye is the variety of operations aimed at creating a split in Russian society.
Operation âZaslonâ describes a scheme to influence the family members of Donbass soldiers and militiamen, as well as Russian army personnel. The operationâs main goals include blocking military units and encouraging desertion and resignations in the militaries of âEastern,â the documentâs code word for Russia and the Donbass republics.
In the event of an outbreak of hostilities, a transition to Operation âBolotnaya Squareâ was planned. This consists of cultivating distrust of Russiaâs military and political leadership among the countryâs population, as well as fomenting dissent âagainst the aggressive policy of the âEasternâ president and his entourage,â in order to incite mass protests.
Ukraineâs actual actions confirm the authenticity of these plans. Even after Crimeaâs reunification with Russia, Russian citizens could be found who sided with Kiev.
It is noteworthy that in 2018, a fake news story claiming that 300 people had died in a fire at Kemerovoâs Winter Cherry shopping center originated in Ukraine. No less revealing is the story of a Ukrainian Special Forces employee who called on Russians to protest against âpension genocide,â but forgot to change his Ukrainian IP address.
Goal: Undermine Morale
The number of Ukrainian sympathizers in Russia is unlikely to have increased this year. Sociological studies indicate that citizensâ support for the Russian government has only been growing. By the beginning of the summer, 72 percent of Russians supported the military campaign, while Russian President Vladimir Putinâs popularity rating had risen, settling at 82 percent.
But if Ukraine has failed in killing support for the offensive, it doesnât mean it hasnât tried. For example, the command of Ukraineâs Special Operations Forces has been implementing the âSmutaâ project since January of 2022. The documentation contains a detailed report on materials published in the Russian media and social networks aimed at destabilizing the country, provoking discontent among its population, and discrediting the authorities.
After the outbreak of hostilities, Operation âSteppe Windâ was activated. As stated in the SSO documents, its task is to demoralize the enemy and create tension between the Russian military and DPR and LPR fighters. According to Oleg Matveichev, a professor at the Higher School of Economics, âin fact, there are about 80,000 accounts maintained by Ukrainian students [on the Russian-language internet], but they pretend to be locals: âordinary residentsâ of Penza, Kurgan, Chita, and Khabarovsk.â
Relatives of Russian servicemen have been terrorized by telephone scammers who report the death of their loved ones in Ukraine or demand money for their ârelease from captivity.â As reported by ombudsman Tatiana Moskalkova, relatives of Russian soldiers have also received videos showing prisoners being abused. The Ukrainian special services have created several Telegram channels, where unverified data on Russian casualties and prisoners is published. The Ombudsman also said she has received more than 100 appeals concerning prisoners of war, of which about half have been confirmed.
âGentle Dewâ of Grads
Operation âGentle Dewâ, which is aimed at residents of territories not controlled by Ukraine, deserves special mention. Its mission is to âform pro-Ukrainian sentiment among the population of the occupied territories and encourage protest movements directed against the âEasternâ and the occupation authorities.â
However, there has been no success in implementing this plan. The main reason for this lies in the difference between Kievâs and the Donbass republicsâ views on and approaches to the possible reintegration of the regions with Ukraine. In March 2021, President Vladimir Zelensky signed a decree approving a âStrategy for De-occupation and Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol.â The document, which consists of 158 paragraphs, will give you an idea of how the authorities in Kiev intend to treat the residents of the regions that have left Ukraine.
The document proposes to exclude persons who âwere part of or collaborated with the occupation administrationsâ from holding any position in government or civil service. This is a very wide range of people, ranging from members of the 2014 referendum commissions to teachers and doctors working in municipal schools and hospitals. âDe-occupationâ also involves extending the statute of limitations on criminal cases that were conducted by Ukrainian police before the referendum on the return of Crimea to Russia, as well as pursuing criminal cases within the competence of the Security Service of Ukraine.
Translated from legal to laymanâs language, this means purposeful persecution of all officials who worked in Crimea in February 2014, as well as participants in mass rallies supporting the reunification of Crimea with Russia, volunteers who helped DPR and LPR residents during the civil war, and so on.
While opening opportunities for the residents of Crimea and Donbass to study at Ukrainian universities, Kiev refuses to recognize any educational documents obtained on the peninsula. The question of whether these conditions will make residents of Crimea and Donbass want to return to Ukraine is purely rhetorical.
While it is unknown whether the SSO intends to continue implementing its plan to foster pro-Ukrainian sentiment among the residents of Crimea and Donbass, we do know for sure that the Ukrainian side sharply increased its attacks on cities in these regions after the start of Russiaâs Special Military Operation. So far, this âGentle Dewâ has only fallen on the region in the form of MLRS Grad shells and Tochka U missiles.
On the Hills of Manchuria
Ukraineâs SSO has also carried out several special operations in the foreign policy field. One of them is operation âCaspianâ, whose purpose is to sow and deepen disagreements between the Russian Federation and certain âFawn,â which are presumably countries in the Caspian region. The operation is to be considered successful if it leads to âactions indicating the refusal of âFawnâ from interacting with âEasternâ.â
In general, it is difficult to assess where the line lies between Ukraineâs efforts to disrupt Russiaâs relations with its partners and the natural difficulties that arise in the dialogue between any countries. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that during the riots that took place in Kazakhstan in January this year, at least some of the protestersâ actions were coordinated with Ukraine, where Kazakh oppositionists found refuge.
Operation âManchurian Hillsâ aims to worsen Russiaâs diplomatic relations with the countries of the Far East. This Ukrainian special servicesâ plan has been designed to persuade Moscow that its eastern neighbors are potential threats, thereby provoking Russia to increase its military presence in the region.
If we analyze the content of the âStrategy of Ukraineâs Foreign Policy Activityâ adopted in July 2021, we can see not the defensive, but the aggressively offensive nature of Kievâs foreign policy actions. For example, to offer experience âacquired over years of countering Russian aggressionâ to NATO countries and the Baltic-Black Sea region. Or to assist in fighting Russian âdisinformationâ in neighboring countries, to support the âpeople of Belarus,â to âdemocratizeâ Russia itself, and to strengthen âpressure on and deterrence of the Russian Federation on the basis of a broad international coalition.â This, by the way, is also included in SSO plans called âThe Voice of Reasonâ.
Even in bilateral relations, where Ukraine should seemingly focus on developing trade, industrial cooperation, and cultural exchanges, the Foreign Ministry is tasked with âensuring support from African and Middle Eastern states in countering the aggression of the Russian Federation.â
Epilogue
Since the outbreak of hostilities, Ukraine has been trying to present Russiaâs actions to the âinternational communityâ as an attack by a great power on a small state that is unable to defeat the huge Russian army because it has never had aggressive intentions either against the Russian Federation or any other country. This statement is refuted by âUkraineâs Military Security Strategyâ, which states in black and white, for example, that KIâve may enter into a war with the Russian Federation if Russia tries to âkeep the Republic of Belarus in its sphere of political influence.â
The goal of Ukraineâs accession to NATO is also clearly outlined. Of course, as a sovereign state, Ukraine has the right to join any international organization. But the issue is that Kiev sees the goal of NATO membership as the US-led blocâs participation in a war against Russia. This has been confirmed by an adviser to the president of Ukraine, Alexey Arestovich, who, in explaining the purpose of the DEFENDER Europe 2021 exercises, stated that âin the waters from the Baltic to the Black Sea, we are working out â letâs not beat around the bush â how to carry out an armed conflict with Russia, a war with Russia.â
Although, back in 2017, the SSO created a âVoice of Reasonâ plan, which included a task to ensure that âstatements confirming readiness to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the situationâ appeared in the West. In fact, the West never rejected this idea. After the outbreak of hostilities, it was Kiev that refused peace talks, preferring to wage war with Russia. Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky repeated this policy line in Paris, stressing that the conditions for negotiating with Russia hadnât yet âmatured,â as he wanted to take a âstronger position.â
NATO admits itâs been preparing for current situation for years
Admiral Rob Bauer said that the allianceâs forces will be more integrated and capable of faster deployment
NATO Military Committee Chair Admiral Rob Bauer declared on Saturday that the allianceâs efforts to overhaul its command structure have been underway for âseveral years,â before Russia launched its military operation in Ukraine.
Speaking at the NATO Military Committeeâs annual conference in the Estonian capital of Tallinn, Bauer said that the allianceâs defense chiefs discussed âthe biggest overhaul of our military structures since 1949,â the year of NATOâs founding.
âThe planning for that started several years ago, but now weâre implementing it,â he stated.
According to NATO, the three-day conference is focused on implementing the decisions made at the blocâs June summit in Madrid. Back then, the members agreed to adopt a new Strategic Concept. This policy document sets out the allianceâs stance toward partners, non-members, and adversaries, with the 2022 iteration naming Russia as the âmost significant and direct threatâ to the bloc.
The document also promised a strengthening of NATOâs âdeterrence and defense posture,â more integration of individual nationsâ militaries with the allianceâs command structure, and the ability to more quickly deploy âcombat-ready forces,â particularly in Eastern Europe.
While Bauer spoke of a structural shakeup in the US-led alliance, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg explicitly stated in Madrid that the military bloc has also been preparing for some kind of war with Russia. âThe reality is also that we have been preparing for this since 2014,â he stated, referring to the year the Donbass republics declared their independence from Ukraine and Crimea voted to join the Russian Federation.
âThat is the reason that we have increased our presence in the eastern part of the alliance, why NATO allies have started to invest more in defense, and why we have increased [our] readiness,â he said at the time.
Russia has cited NATOâs refusal to rule out membership for Ukraine, as well as the presence of the blocâs troops and weapons there, as key factors justifying its military operation. Russian President Vladimir Putin told reporters on Friday that Moscow views NATO as using Ukraine to bring about the âdisintegration of our country.â