Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte was arrested in Manila on March 11, 2025, following an International Criminal Court (ICC) warrant accusing him of crimes against humanity related to his aggressive anti-drug campaign during his presidency.

The arrest was tumultuous; Duterte resisted fingerprinting and threatened legal action against the arresting officers. Subsequently, he was transferred to The Hague, Netherlands, to face the charges.

In his initial appearance at the ICC via video link, Duterte assumed full responsibility for the actions taken during his administration’s anti-drug operations. His arrest has been lauded by Western-funded human rights organizations as a monumental step toward justice for the thousands of extrajudicial killings reported during his tenure.

What the mainstream media fails to highlight, however, is the fact that all those police-related killings were carried out by drug-peddling syndicates operating within law enforcement agencies of the government. These groups were involved in recycling previously confiscated drug shipments for profit. They were led by five active police generals, who were subsequently terminated from service by the Duterte administration.

Notably, such extrajudicial killings began even 20 days before Duterte’s inauguration as president on June 30, 2016. These were killings carried out by rogue police officers deeply involved in drug trafficking, who were attempting to erase their connections to the drug trade. Subsequently, right after Duterte’s inauguration as president, more than a million drug users—many of whom were at risk of becoming drug pushers to sustain their addiction—surrendered to authorities and voluntarily submitted themselves for rehabilitation. This development brought relief to Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), as their family members, who were often the primary targets of drug lords, were freed from the scourge of drug use.

Under the Duterte administration, Chua Tianchang’s company reportedly provided support for the construction and operation of drug rehabilitation centers across the Philippines. These facilities were part of President Rodrigo Duterte’s broader campaign to address illegal drug use by offering rehabilitation options for drug users and addicts, alongside the more controversial “war on drugs,” which focused on law enforcement and crackdowns.

The effective use of harsh street language, primarily directed against criminals and threatening them with guaranteed graves, offended the sensibilities of the “righteous” and decent people of the West, especially in the halls of Great Powers, which shamelessly enslaved and exploited their own people as well. Not to mention his frequent tirades against the Jesuits and the CIA, accusing them of exploiting the land’s riches and planting bombs in the City of Davao, respectively.

It is no wonder that Duterte’s arrest has elicited mixed reactions within the Philippines. Hundreds of thousands of people across the archipelago, most notably Vice President Sara Duterte, the former president’s daughter, have condemned the arrest, labeling it as “oppression and persecution” by a foreign power. Conversely, families of drug war victims and various human rights advocates, who have long campaigned for accountability, view the arrest as a long-awaited step toward justice.

Duterte’s legal team has criticized the manner of his arrest and subsequent transfer to the ICC, alleging procedural irregularities and political motivations behind the actions.

The ICC is preparing for the forthcoming judicial proceedings to determine whether a full trial will ensue.

The ICC-Marcos Dilemma

Update March 18, 2025: OSG Recuses Itself in Duterte Habeas Corpus Cases Amid ICC Jurisdiction Dispute

In March 2025, the Philippines’ Office of the Solicitor General (OSG), under Solicitor General Menardo Guevarra, withdrew from representing the government in habeas corpus petitions filed by former President Rodrigo Duterte’s children. These petitions contested Duterte’s arrest and transfer to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague.

The OSG justified its recusal by reaffirming its stance that the ICC lacks jurisdiction over the Philippines, emphasizing that the country’s legal and judicial systems are fully operational. In a filing to the Supreme Court, the OSG stated it could not effectively represent the government due to its opposition to the ICC’s authority and the potential conflict of interest in defending the arrest. As a result, the government must now appoint alternative legal counsel to handle the petitions challenging Duterte’s detention.

This move highlights the OSG’s unwavering position on the ICC’s jurisdiction while signaling the complexity of legal proceedings surrounding Duterte’s case.

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The circumstances surrounding the arrest of former president Duterte were fraught with violations akin to the “fruit of the poisonous tree” doctrine due to multiple breaches of his rights as the accused. These include:

1. Failure to Comply with Legal Requirements The arresting officers, led by PNP Gen. Torre, failed to ensure that the arrest complied with both Philippine law and the procedural requirements of the ICC.
2. Violation of Constitutional Principles The arrest did not adhere to the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality under Philippine law (e.g., Article III, Section 2 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, which prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures).
3. Denial of Right to Legal Counsel Former President Duterte was denied the right to legal counsel and the opportunity to consult with a lawyer of his choice. In this case, his daughter, lawyer and Vice President Sara Duterte, was already outside the premises where a 7,000-strong police force had assembled to effect the arrest. (As a side note, one of the female officers present during the operation has since resigned from the police force in sympathy with the arrested former Commander-in-Chief. Scores of uniformed personnel from various services have similarly expressed solidarity by resigning.)
4. Inhumane Treatment During Arrest The former president was not treated humanely or with dignity during his arrest. On the contrary, the manner in which the police treated a former president—someone who had accomplished so much during his six-year tenure—was deeply degrading.
5. Mental Torture and Cruel Treatment The 80-year-old former president was subjected to mental torture, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, in violation of both Philippine law (e.g., Republic Act No. 9745, the Anti-Torture Act) and international human rights standards. This occurred when Mr. Torre denied him the right to speak with his daughter prior to his “departure” from the country.
6. Prolonged Solitary Confinement Subjecting the former president to prolonged solitary confinement while awaiting trial at the ICC in September 2025 constitutes an additional violation of his rights.

Role of the Philippine Judiciary

While the ICC has jurisdiction over the case, the Philippine judiciary may play a role in ensuring that the arrest and detention comply with constitutional safeguards. For example:

1. Challenging the Legality of Arrest or Detention The suspect or their legal counsel could petition a Philippine court to challenge the legality of the arrest or the conditions of detention. However, as stated above, this was denied at an early stage.
2. Reviewing Compliance with Due Process Courts may also review whether the transfer to the ICC complies with due process guarantees. There are now multiple pending protests and petitions for writs of habeas corpus filed with the Supreme Court of the Philippines. However, with Duterte already in The Hague, these legal actions could be rendered moot and academic.
3. Additionally, the timely travel of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court to Europe to attend a conference about “sharing best practices on promoting judicial integrity and accountability” has raised questions about the timing and implications of these developments.

It is under these circumstances that the arresting battalion, led by Mr. Torre and acting under the instructions of the current Commander-in-Chief, ensured that Duterte could not approach any local court.

Kidnapping President Duterte

Contrary to the recent statement made by the incumbent Philippine President Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos Jr.—the son of former dictator Ferdinand Edralin Marcos, who ruled the country for 20 years—that the arrest of former president Duterte was carried out in compliance with Interpol’s request for his arrest, this claim is now being questioned in light of incriminating details outlined in the ICC document dated 13 March 2025.

Specifically, the last two paragraphs on page 53 of the document states:

“In late January 2025, the Government publicly stated that it would execute an ICC arrest warrant if a request to do so is made through INTERPOL. ⁵⁶⁹ [REDACTED]. ⁵⁷⁰ Should this eventuate, the prospects of arresting DUTERTE will likely disappear.

113. Given the time-limited nature of the arrest opportunity, the Prosecution respectfully requests the Chamber to consider this Application on an expedited basis, including by issuing an arrest warrant with reasons to follow, to maximise the chances of arresting DUTERTE, should the Chamber decide to grant the Application.

⁵⁷⁰ [REDACTED], PHL-OTP-00015372;”

In short, it was the Marcos Jr. administration that openly suggested the ICC utilize Interpol to effect the arrest of the former president, citing time-limited constraints—namely, the potential defeat of all Marcos administration-backed senatorial candidates, who would otherwise play a critical role in deciding the fate of Vice President Sara Zimmerman Duterte in an impeachment trial — that’s the redacted portion of the ICC document.

Vice President Sara Zimmerman Duterte is projected to become the next president by 2028. Meanwhile, the Marcos-Romualdez tandem, with support from local oligarchs allegedly collaborating with the Jesuit-Vatican nexus, is reportedly attempting to establish a parliamentary system akin to those in European countries. Under such a system, the people would have minimal to virtually no control over their government.

Why the Dutertes so Popular?

The Dutertes’ popularity is evident in the street marches and protests that have erupted on both sides of the Atlantic, Japan and in the Middle East following Duterte’s blatant illegal arrest.

This surge in public support is not without compelling reasons. For instance:

• The Duterte government brought about undeniable peace nationwide through the significant reduction of communist cadres—a factor that motivated the communists in the Lower House of Congress to file an impeachment case against incumbent Vice President Sara Duterte. The case alleged her “misuse of US$10 million in confidential funds,” which were reportedly used by the Department of Education (DepEd), under her leadership, to protect students from Communist recruiters.
• The amount allegedly misused by the Vice President pales in comparison to the billions of PhilHealth funds embezzled under the sole control of incumbent President Marcos and his cousin, Martin Romualdez, who leads the Lower House of Congress. Romualdez was earlier exposed by Japanese media for accepting bribes from the owner of the Okada hotel and casino operating in Manila. This corruption occurred alongside the establishment of the Maharlika Investment Fund (MIF), which was constituted using government funds.
• The initial capitalization of the MIF was sourced from government financial institutions (GFIs), including the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS), Social Security System (SSS), Land Bank of the Philippines, and Development Bank of the Philippines, contributing a combined total of approximately PHP 250 billion. Additional funding is expected from annual contributions by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) and the Department of Finance (DOF).
• It has since been revealed that the Maharlika Funds were primarily invested in cryptocurrencies, particularly Bitcoin, where transparency audits are virtually impossible. This revelation comes on top of the systematic plunder of gold bullion stored in the vaults of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas.
• During Duterte’s presidency, not only did the national economy prosper due to the significant reduction of street crimes and corporate crimes (such as tax evasion), but peace was also restored in urban centers plagued by drug proliferation under previous administrations. Additionally, government corruption was reduced to its barest minimum for the first time ever, thanks to the administration’s encouragement for citizens to “express rage and create a scandal” while corruption was ongoing in real time—for example, incidents of bullet and illegal drug planting in airport terminals.

Additionally, the cost of living was significantly reduced due to the restructuring of tax policies, including outright exemptions from income taxes for ordinary civilian workers and uniformed personnel, which effectively doubled the latter’s take-home pay and increased food allowances.

Equally popular were the few “little things” that left a lasting mark on the people’s memory, including the Duterte government’s decision to increase the SSS pensions, increased senior citizens’ discount, PHP100,000 cash gift for centinarians, and extend the validity of drivers’ licenses and passports to 10 years.

These policies significantly improved the quality of life of those in the lowest spectrum of the population and for overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), who are modern-day heroes sustaining the national economy through their dollar remittances. Their contributions have enabled the government to withstand economic turbulence, especially during the pandemic launched by the World Economic Forum (WEF), which significantly depleted the Duterte government’s cash flow.

On top of these achievements were massive infrastructure projects funded in whole or in part by neighboring governments such as South Korea, Japan, and China. These projects were implemented under the Duterte government’s leadership, particularly through the able stewardship of the Department of Transportation (DOTR) Secretary, Mr. Arthur P. Tugade.

Unfortunately, many of these infrastructure projects have since been put in limbo, as more than 50% of the national budget is now being embezzled. Yes, kleptocracy appears to be resurfacing, starting at the highest levels of government.

To put it simply, the Jesuit-Vatican imperialists—who have been collaborating with the local oligarchy since the 1500s—are now working hand-in-hand with the Marcos-Romualdez-Araneta triumvirate, rice hoarders, and drug smugglers. Their grand plan involves establishing a totalitarian state by impoverishing the population and ensuring the increased production of highly skilled laborers to serve the needs of U.S. and European citizens in fields such as healthcare, industry, marine services, and even military operations.

However, the citizenry is not taking this matter lying down. A countdown to the removal of the Marcos-Romualdez-Araneta criminal conspiracy and their conniving oligarchy has begun.

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